However, no such action was taken in Saran’s case. What’s more, his number too was barred from using the facility to talk to a customer care executive because of his repeated calls. In fact, this is more of a practice at Vodafone. Just hit Google and you will find several users complaining about how they were barred from using the customer care service as they called often with complaints.

Saran visited the Vodafone store in Ansal Plaza, New Delhi and there too he was treated with similar hostility by the store executives. After narrating the entire story to the executive, this is the reply he received, ‘Why should we mention on the card, when it was initially for all the customers. We have communicated to our dealers orally. It is their fault.” However, when this magazine checked with the dealers they refused receiving any such communication. PC Shukla, a south Delhi-based dealer comments, “We were not informed by the company about any change in the scheme. In fact when I got consumer complaints, I checked and only then I came to know that the Bonus Card facility was now available only for the new customers.” At the Vodafone store, Saran was told that an SMS was sent to all customers for withdrawal of the Bonus Card services. But when he claimed not receiving any such SMS, the executive started putting the entire blame on the dealers again. So this time Saran decided to speak to the store manager who arrogantly retorted, “We don’t give all information in our ads. It’s the customers’ responsibility to check the details with the company before buying any card… We are not responsible.” This response is contrary to TRAI's direction of September 2005, which mandated all telecom service providers to not offer, market or advertise any tariff plan in a manner that is likely to mislead the subscribers.

Saran also enquired why and how was the card still available in the market for everyone and why Vodafone has not taken it back from the dealers to which the manager replied, “The dealer should return the card to us…” Again when pushed by this harassed customer that it’s Vodafone’s fault, the manager came up with a hilarious example. “If you buy a computer from a company and there is a problem you go to the dealer from whom you have bought and it’s the dealer’s fault,” is what the manager argued in Vodafone’s defense. A trained manager at a Vodafone store compares a telecom service with a product! Phew! This shows the company’s callous attitude towards hiring and training their staff.

For Complete IIPM Article, Click on IIPM Article

Source : IIPM Editorial, 2008

An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative
Read these article :-
Delhi/ NCR B- Schools get better
IIPM fights meltdown

Sohrabuddin fake encounter case

Supreme Court is extending jurisdiction of Special Investigation Team (SIT) under the leadership of ex-CBI head R K Raghvan to re-investigate riot cases after the Godhara carnage. Gujarat High Court rejected a petition of BJP’s ex-MLA Kalu Maliwad demanding that SIT cannot summon and interrogate Chief Minister Modi. If SIT summons and interrogates Modi, he will be probably the first CM in the country facing such a situation.

Sohrabuddin fake encounter case

A case of fake encounter of Sohrabuddin Shaikh in Narol on the outskirts of Ahmedabad in 2004 is still in the limelight. Last week, the Supreme Court ordered the Gujarat government to compensate Sohrab’s family. Moreover, the Gujarat High Court has ordered the reexamining of another controversial encounter – that involving one Isharat Jahan and three others in April-2004.

Non-action in the Asaram Bapu case

In 2008, two boys residing in a well known spiritual leader Asaram Bapu’s Motera ashram were found dead on the banks of Sabarmati river. It was clear in primary investigations that the duo was murdered; but after one year, police is still unable to crack the case.

Land controversies

Many farmers of six districts are protesting the decision of the state government to allot fertile plots of land to certain industrialists. Many farmers from Mahuva (Bhavnagar), Anavarpura (Patan), Zarpara (Kutch), Vadodara zala (Junagarh), Mocha (Porbandar) and Umargam (Valsad) have publicly pledged not to give their land to the state government for industrial use.

For Complete IIPM Article, Click on IIPM Article

Source : IIPM Editorial, 2008

An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative

Read these article :-
Delhi/ NCR B- Schools get better
IIPM fights meltdown

All for free and fair vote

America’s pointsman Karzai faces his biggest challenge

In his plush cabin at an embassy in Delhi, a political attaché who had just returned from his assignment in Afghanistan had said this to me months ago, quiet nonchalantly: “Afghanistan is not a federation, in fact not even a confederation. It is merely a potpourri of states whhere people at times appear to walk in a common direction.” I remember, we had a hearty laugh then at the cost of Afghans.

But as the country goes to the polls in less than a week, those casually spoken words are falling in place. Probably, for the first time in the history of this country, it seems that a substantial portion of the population is willing to override their narrow tribal allegiance. And that has rattled all, including America and its once blue-eyed Pashtun, President Hamid Karzai. When the Bush Administration originally anointed Karzai as president years ago, he was perceived in Afghanistan and elsewhere as an adroit statesman exceptionally skilled in forging alliances among nation’s ever warring splinter groups. Eight years hence, as Afghanistan has worsened, so has Karzai’s standing. The same qualities that once earned him eulogies are now drawing all round criticism. Karzai is being called a mercurial and irresolute boss. And given that he overtly opposes American presence on his soil, he is widely held responsible for all that ails Afghanistan: Rampant corruption, a thriving opium business and Taliban’s resurrection.

“Regardless of his countless failings, Karzai has turned into a strongman, a boss whose deal-making skills and appeasing nature have allowed him to either marginalise his adversaries or turn them into allies,” Haroun Mir, an expert on Afghan politics at Centre for Research and Policy Studies, Kabul, tells TSI.

“And that may well translate into triumph at the polls.” That is what most of the prepoll surveys predict. Yet the possibility for a run-off has been rising because two of the 41 candidates have emerged as genuine contenders — former foreign affairs minister Abdullah Abdullah and former finance minister Ashraf Ghani. Surprisingly, both of them are canvassing in areas outside their representative bases. They are criticising Karzai for his weak governance.

For example, last week in Paktika Province, Abdullah struck a rebellious tone in front of several hundred Pashtuns — voters not conventionally sympathetic to the former Northern Alliance associates. Ghani — a former World Bank analyst who was in 2006 tipped for the job of UN Secretary General — on the other hand, is travelling north to non-Pashtun regions. A public meeting at Kabul University last week drew nearly 1,000 odd students — once considered rock solid social base for Karzai. But it seems that Ghani may finally opt out of the race in favour of Karzai, and will be suitably made “Chief Executive” of the new administration.

“Abdullah Abdullah was an advisor to Ahmed Shah Masood and that means a lot in Afghanistan. The ghost of Masood can draw enough vote to force Karzai for a run-off,” says Wadir Safi, an expert at Kabul University, while talking to TSI.

But it is not that Karzai is unprepared. He has formed his own rainbow coalition that appears impregnable. In fact, analysts insist that at the most, Abdullah can force Karzai for a run-off. A victory might still be elusive for him.

Karzai has promised to re-appoint as army chief of staff ex-warlord, Uzbek leader Gen Rashid Dostum — who has been right-hand man of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, Ahmed Masood and Nazibullah at different times in history.

Karzai has also courted the Shia Hazara minority — a key swing vote — by promising to appoint more ministers from their community. Besides, they have been promised a separate province. Hazara leader Muhammad Mohaqeq and Tajik warlord Mohammad Fahim are now trusted allies. But for how long?

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Source : IIPM Editorial, 2008

An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative

Nitish Kumar - Slow and steady

In the 1991 Lok Sabha elections, Lalu Yadav’s undivided Janata Dal bagged 33 seats in Bihar. Congress managed just one. An arrogant Lalu soon conveniently forgot his friends who had tripped Ram Sunder Das to help him wrest the post of CM. Nitish Kumar, a young Kurmi leader was one of them. It was not that Nitish lacked political acumen. But Lalu cleverly inherited the inheritance of Karpoori Thakur and mingled it with his Yadav vote-base to deliver a potent mixture: something Nitish could not do. “It was a do or die situation for Nitish. Lalu was unwilling to recognise the contribution of any of his comrades and obviously Nitish felt suffocated,” remembers senior journalist Surendra Kishore.

Nitish’s Kurmi caste too felt cheated in the new scheme of things. Nitish decided to strike. A missed opportunity would have cost him his political existence. Keeping the upcoming assembly elections of 2005 in mind, he organised a Kurmi Mahachetna rally in Gandhi Maidan in 1994 where his supporters openly expressed their desire to see him as Chief Minister. Lalu and Nitish never saw eye to eye again.

Nitish’s fledgling Samata Party was launched with much fanfare. George Fernandes backed him. The fodder scam gave Nitish the ammunition he needed. But the 1995 Assembly polls not only strengthened Lalu’s position, it pushed Nitish’s Samata, with merely eight seats, to the edge. In 1996, Nitish got his chance to bounce back.

Lalu had promised he would not let George win from Muzaffarpur in the parliamentary polls. Nitish mobilised his entire Kurmi support base and assured George’s win. He proved that he was a politician of substance. He came out of the shadows of Lalu and Sharad Yadav. He took calculated risks. He unseated Lalu’s RJD and became Chief Minister. His revenge was complete. “Nitish is a patient man. It is the most necessary trait in politics. Only a smart political manager and a mass leader would have unseated Lalu. He proved he is both,” says Ranjan Yadav, JD(U) MP.

For Complete IIPM Article, Click on IIPM Article

Source : IIPM Editorial, 2008

An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative

"IIPM Press" - Rani’s relying on bigger stars!

After a bad phase in her career, Rani Mukherjee has returned all fresh and toned, but it seems like the actress is still not confident about herself and wants to rely on her stars to win her back her lost charisma. While the promos of her upcoming movie "Dil Bole Hadippa!" have grabbed quite a lot of attention, the wait for the film’s release will be a long one because the lady's rashi indicates that the time is not right! Well, Rani, we hope you succeed in changing your luck!

For Complete IIPM Article, Click on IIPM Article

Source : IIPM Editorial, 2008

An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative